The LGBT movement in the United States comprises the history of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and cognate movements in the United States, beginning in the early 20th century and influencing social progress for lesbians, gays, bisexuals , transgender and transsexual.
Video LGBT movements in the United States
LGBT movements in general
Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender ( LGBT ) social movements are political ideologies and social movements that support the full acceptance of LGBT people in society. In this movement, LGBT people and their allies have a long history of campaigning for what is now commonly called LGBT rights , sometimes also called gay rights or gay and lesbian rights . Although there is no central or comprehensive central organization representing all LGBT people and their interests, many LGBT rights organizations are active worldwide.
The common goal among these movements is social equality for LGBT people. Some also focus on building LGBT communities or working towards liberation for the wider community of biphobia, homophobia, and transphobia. The organized movement of LGBT currently consists of various political activism and cultural activities, including lobbying, street marches, social groups, media, art, and research. Sociologist Mary Bernstein writes: "For lesbian and gay movements, then, cultural objectives include (but are not limited to) the dominant construction of masculinity and femininity, homophobia, and the superiority of heterosexual gender families (heteronativity.) Political objectives include changing laws and policies to obtain rights, benefits and new protection from harm. "Bernstein emphasized that activists seek both types of goals in both the civil and political realms.
Like other social movements, there are also conflicts within and between the LGBT movement, particularly about strategies for change and debate about who constitutes the constituencies represented by these movements. There is a debate over the extent to which lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex, and others share common interests and the need to work together. The leaders of the lesbian and gay movements of the 1970s, 80s and 90s often try to hide masculine lesbians, gay feminine, transgender, and bisexual men from the public eye, creating internal divisions within the LGBT community.
The LGBT movement often adopts a kind of identity politics that sees gay, bisexual and/or transgender people as fixed classes; group or minority group. Those who use this approach aspire for liberal political goals of liberty and equal opportunity, and aim to join the political mainstream at the same level as other groups in society. In stating that sexual orientation and gender identity are innate and can not be consciously altered, attempts to convert gay, lesbian and bisexual people into heterosexuals ("conversion therapy") are generally opposed by the LGBT community. Such efforts are often based on religious beliefs that regard gay, lesbian and bisexual activity as immoral.
However, others in the LGBT movement have criticized identity politics as finite and flawed, the element of the strange movement arguing that the gay and lesbian categories are restrictive, and trying to deconstruct those categories, which look to "reinforce rather than challenge the system culture that will always mark nonheterosexual as inferior. "
Maps LGBT movements in the United States
Daughters of Bilitis
The Daughters of Bilitis , also called DOB or Daughters , was formed in San Francisco, California in 1955 by four lesbian couples, including Phyllis Lyon and Del Martin. Martin and Lyon also differed as the first gay couple married legally in the US at the beginning of the same marriage in San Francisco 2004. Their marriage was canceled 6 months later by the California High Court. The Daughters of Bilitis (DOB), is the first lesbian civil rights and political organization in the United States. The organization, formed in San Francisco in 1955, was conceived as a social alternative to the lesbian bar, which was the subject of police raids and harassment. When DOB gets members, their focus shifts to provide support to women who are afraid to get out. DOB follows the homophile movement model developed by the Mattachine Society by encouraging its members to assimilate as much into the prevailing heterosexual culture. DOB advertises itself as "a Women's Organization for the Purpose of Promoting Homosexual Integration into Society."
When the club realized that they were not allowed to advertise their meetings in the newspapers, Lyon and Martin began printing group bulletins, The Ladder, in October 1956. This became the first publicly distributed lesbian publication in the US and distributed to a closely guarded list of customers, because of the rational fear to expose. Barbara Gittings was editor for The Ladder from 1963 to 1968 when she graduated from editorial to Barbara Grier, who expanded it extensively, until her publication ended in 1972 for lack of funds.
In 1959 there were new autonomous regions in New York City, Los Angeles, Chicago and Rhode Island along with the original chapters in San Francisco. The group also held conferences every two years from 1960 to 1968. As a national organization, the DOB was folded in 1970, although several local chapters still continued. For fourteen years, DOB has become an educational tool for lesbians, gay men, researchers, and mental health professionals.
Mattachine Society
The Mattachine Society, founded in 1950, was one of the earliest homophile/homosexual organizations in the United States, perhaps second only to the Chicago Society for Human Rights (1924). Harry Hay and a group of Los Angeles male friends formed a group to protect and promote homosexual rights. Due to concerns for the secrecy and ideology of the founders' left, they adopted the cell organization used by the United States Communist Party. In the anti-communist atmosphere of the 1950s, the growing membership of the Society replaced the early model of Communist groups with a more traditional style of leadership and civil rights. Later, when the branches formed in other cities, the Society split into regional groups in 1961. Formed in Los Angeles in 1950 as the International Descendants of the Bachelors for Peace and Social Dignity, by William Dale Jennings, along with colleagues - his colleagues, quickly began to affect the gay environment. The founders of Mattachine sought to use their personal experience as gay men to redefine the meaning of gays and their culture in the United States, along with interference in social life in general. It later adopted the name of The Mattachine Society which refers to the Mattachine community, a group of medieval French masks who supposedly traveled extensively using entertainment to show social injustice. The name symbolizes the fact that gays are masked people, living in an unfamiliar and underprivileged state.
The public began sponsoring a discussion group in 1951, which gave lesbian and gay men the ability to share feelings and experiences openly, as well as internal fears and strife. For many, this is the first and unique opportunity to do so, and such meetings are often very emotional. Attendance at the Mattachine Society meeting increased dramatically in a short period of time, and such discussion groups spread throughout the United States, even sponsoring social events, writing bulletins and publications, and fundraising. The Mission Statement and the Community's Purpose of 1951 stand out today in the history of the gay liberation movement by identifying two important themes. First, it calls for grassroots gay movements to challenge anti-gay discrimination, and secondly, recognizes the importance of building a gay community.
Communities were forced to withstand heavy pressure and public scrutiny during the period of anti-communist McCarthyism, due to the communist tendency of some members of the Society. In a newspaper column of the Los Angeles Society in March 1953, it was called "a strange new pressure group" of "sexual diversity" and "security risk" that united to use "tremendous political power."
This article produced a dramatic change, which in the end a strong coalition of conservative delegates challenged the goals, achievements and instruments of society. The leadership was demotivated to pursue further activities, the original founder resigned in 1953, and the organization was left to conservative elements that brought new elements of advocacy and group composition. Some modifications have to be made and advocacy takes an accommodation approach rather than mobilizing gay people. They seek the support of the psychiatric profession that they believe holds the key to reform. However, this had a very bad impact when the attendance of the discussion group declined and many local branches folded. The national structure was dissolved in 1961, with several chapters going on for several more years.
The organization's name is unique and unrelated or affiliated with other movements that adopt this original symbolic name. Some unrelated groups are: Chicago's Mattachine Midwest, Gay Liberation Front, and Gay Alliance Activist, some of them appearing after the Stonewall Uprising in 1969.
Social and academic atmosphere for increased gay gestures
Perhaps the most important impulse in creating and spreading homosexual propaganda is that it is born on an academic campus and among members of the future intellectual creams. The success of earlier informal homosexual student groups, along with the inspirations provided by other college-based movements and the Stonewall riots, led to the proliferation of the Gay Liberation Front on campuses across the country in the early 1970s. These first LGBT student movements spread gay rights literature, organized social activities, and sponsored lectures on gay experiences. Through their efforts, the campus climate for GLBTQ people is on the rise. Also, by gaining institutional recognition and establishing a place on campus for GLBTQ students, the foundation was laid out for the establishment of the GLBTQ group at universities and universities across the country and a generation of wider acceptance and tolerance.
In many colleges and universities, these organizations are predominantly male, encouraging lesbians to demand greater inclusion and often to form their own groups. During the 1980s, high school and junior high school students have begun to set up the Gay-Straight Alliance, allowing younger LGBT people to seek better support and advocate for their needs.
Student Homophile League is the first student gay rights organization in the United States, founded at Columbia University in 1967 by Stephen Donaldson, a former member of the Mattachine Society. The Homophile League Student Branch was hired at Cornell University and New York University in 1968 and at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 1969. This led to the formation of two non-affiliation groups, Intransigent Homosexuals at City University of New York and FREE (Fighting Erotic Expression Repression ) at the University of Minnesota in 1969, now the Queer Student Cultural Center. On the West Coast, the Homophile Student League was also established at Stanford University, as well as the encouragement of Donaldson, who had announced his hopes for the formation of a Stanford chapter in May 1967 at The New York Times. The Homophile League student of Stanford University, led by Wendell Anderson (a pseudonym), was registered at the Dean's Office as a voluntary student organization recognized through the spring quarters of 1968. This organization ceased to exist in the next academic year.
Arizona
The University of Arizona LGBT student group, "Pride Alliance," has been active since the 1990s in providing visibility to LGBT students and faculty at the University. Some student activism also works to provide a safe and friendly environment for LGBT students. This goal comes from studies showing that LGBT students have higher levels of depression, bullying, and suicide. Campus wide activism, at the University of Arizona and in many colleges, has focused on addressing these issues by respecting the LGBT community.
in the state of Florida that occurred in the 1970s. A new interest in LGBT rights led to the establishment of the Collegiate Florida Pride Coalition in 2003. The LGBT student and student forum in Florida is known to work with Equality Florida.
Pennsylvania
At the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, Pennsylvania Student Equality Coalition was established as an independent LGBT organization across the state and led by Pennsylvania students in April 2011. In 2012, PSEC is linked to more than 70 LGBT student organizations in Pennsylvania. The coalition is focused on organizing the campus community for LGBT equality in Pennsylvania and developing resources for educational institutions. [2]
Gay liberation front
Although pre-Stonewall Homophile Leagues students are most influenced by the Mattachine Society, Post Stonewall student organizations are more likely to be inspired and named after the militant Gay Liberation Front (GLF). Formed in New York City in the summer of 1969, and in Los Angeles by activist Morris Kight in the same year.
Campus groups such as GLF organize sponsored social events, educational programs, and provide support to individual members such as previous college groups. However, activists in the GLF type groups are generally much more visible and more politically oriented than pre-stonewall gay student groups. The new activist is often committed to radical social change, and prefers confrontational tactics such as demonstrations, sit-ins, and direct challenges to discriminatory campus policies. This new challenging philosophy and approach is influenced by other militant campus movements such as Black Power, anti-Vietnam war groups, and students' free speech movement. Many GLF members are involved with other militant groups like this, and see gay rights as part of a larger movement to transform society; their own liberation is fundamentally related to the release of everyone.
The lesbian feminist group
Despite the fact that most of these early groups declared themselves to support the liberation of women, many groups of gay students were dominated by men. In fact, activities are aimed more at gay men's needs, even to the exclusion of lesbians and bisexual women. This extends to often directing attention to gay abuses of gay men while ignoring the concerns and needs of gay women. Gay women are often turned off by focusing on male roaming in many of these events, and as a result, lesbians and bisexual women in some campuses begin their own dance and social activities.
When gays began increasingly simply referring to gay men in the 1970s, many lesbians looking for the names of gay student organizations changed to include them explicitly, or form their own groups. They see the need to organize around their oppression as women and also lesbians, as they know they will never be able to have an equal voice in groups where men hold political power.
LPAC is a Super PAC established in 2012 to represent lesbian interests in the United States, and to campaign for LGBT and women's rights. His supporters include Billie Jean King, Jane Lynch, Laura Ricketts, and Urvashi Vaid. On the first day of operation, LPAC collects $ 200,000.
Gay Gay Liberation Front
GLF activists advocate for sexual liberation for all; they believe heterosexuality is the rest of cultural inhibition and feels that change will not happen unless the current social institutions are dismantled and rebuilt without clear sexual roles. To do this, GLF intends to change the idea of ​​biological families and clans and make it more akin to loose member affiliations without biological subtext. Leading GLF members also opposed and tackled other social inequalities between 1969 and 1972 such as militarism, racism and sexism, but because internal competition GLF formally ended its operations in 1972.
Police stormed Stonewall Inn, a gay bar in Greenwich Village in New York City in June 1969, resulting in unprecedented unrest among the visitors. This event serves as a catalyst for the emergence of a new generation of gay militant activists that are very different from more conventional organizations over the last two decades, and are known as gay liberation. Within weeks of the Stonewall event, gay and lesbian activists organized the Gay Liberation Front.
GLF was formed in part by Students for Democratic Society, the radical student organization of the age. Allen Young, a former SDS activist, is key in framing GLF principles. He asserted that "heterosexual" and "homosexual" artificial categories have been placed upon us by sexist societies, as gay, we demand an end to the gender programming that begins when we are born, the family, the primary means by which this restricted sexuality is created and enforced, Our understanding of sexism is based on the idea that in some societies everybody will be gay. "GLF's stated purpose clearly states:" We are a revolutionary group of men and women formed with the realization that complete sexual liberation for all can not happen except social institutions we are rejecting the community's efforts to impose our sexual role and definition of nature. "The GLF group quickly spread throughout the United States and other coutries.
Members do not limit activism to gay destinations. In the late 1960s and early 1970s, many homosexuals joined protests with other radical groups such as the Black Panthers, women liberationists and anti-war activists. Lesbians carry the principle of radical feminism to emerging new philosophies, and GLF activists argue that heterosexual family institutions require homosexual oppression, allowing them to determine their gayness as a form of political resistance. GLF activist Martha Shelley writes, "We are women and men who, from the beginning of our memories, have rebelled against the sex role structure and core family structure." Although the GLF effectively ceased to exist in 1972, unable to successfully negotiate differences among its members, the activists remained committed to working on the political issues and issues of homosexuality itself.
GLF's legacy informed gay and lesbian activism throughout the late 1980s and early 1990s when groups such as ACT UP and Queer Nation were formed to fight AIDS and homophobia. Many of the leaders of both groups are active or heavily influenced by the idea first promoted by GLF.
Although many activists became disillusioned with the organization, their determination to exercise the spirit of gay liberation through new groups such as Gay Alliance Activists and Radikalesbians proved invaluable in the ongoing struggle for GLBTQ rights.
Significance ONE, Incorporated
ONE, Inc. has a tremendous impact on the vision and mission of gay people who are socially active in the early phases of the movement. It was started by William Dale Jennings joining with colleagues like Don Slater, Dorr Legg, Tony Reyes, and Mattachine Society founder Harry Hay. It forms the public part of the early homophile movement, with public offices, administrative infrastructure, logistics, telephones, and first publications reaching the general public, ONE Magazine, a giant leap of gay movement. The Los Angeles Postmaster confiscated and refused to send copies of ONE Magazine in 1954 on the grounds that it was "obscene, obscene, obscene and dirty." This action leads to prolonged court battles that have a significant influence on gay and lesbian movements. In 1958, the United States Supreme Court ruled unanimously at One, Inc. v. Olesen that the discussion about homosexuality is not too obscene, and the magazine was published and distributed until 1972.
Along with its continued growth, part of ONE became the Homosexual Information Center, formed by Don Slater, Billy Glover, Joe and Jane Hansen, Tony Reyes, Jim Schneider, et al. Part of ONE archive is in USC and part of CSUN. The ONE funding section still exists as the Institute for Human Resource Studies, which controls the name ONE, Inc.
The websites for the ONE and HIC sections are:
HIC
One Archive
Affirmation: Gay & amp; Mormon Lesbian
It is an international organization for gay, lesbian, transgender, bisexual, and intersex people who identify as members or former members of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS Church). Affirmation states that "homosexuality and homosexual relationships can be consistent with and supported by the gospel of Jesus Christ."
Under the name Affirmation: Gay Mormons United, the first Affirmation group was organized in Salt Lake City, Utah on June 11, 1977 by Stephan Zakharias and a group of other Mormons and former Gay and Lesbian Mormons. The original group struggled to survive until 1978, when Paul Mortensen formed the Los Angeles chapter and in 1980 his name was changed to Affirmation: Gay & amp; Mormon Lesbian . Through the influence of the Los Angeles chapter, Affirmation groups appear in many cities across the country.
In 1985, some members of the Affirmations established the church of the Latter-day Saints for gays and lesbians known as the Church of the Restoration of Jesus Christ.
Gay & amp; Lesbian & amp; Defender (GLAD)
GLAD is a non-profit legal rights organization in the United States. The organization works to end discrimination based on sexual orientation, HIV status, and gender identity and expression.
John Ward founded GLAD in 1978 and filed his first case, Doe v. McNiff , in the same year. The early victory came at Fricke v. Lynch (1980), where GLAD represents Aaron Fricke, an 18-year-old student at Cumberland High School in Rhode Island, who won the right to bring the same. -sex date for high school dance. GLAD is based in Boston, Massachusetts, and serves the New England region of the United States. Services provided include litigation, advocacy, and educational work in all LGBT civil rights (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender) and the rights of people living with HIV. The organization also operates a hotline and a telephone website.
In 2003, GLAD gained national attention for its work in winning marriage rights for same-sex couples in Massachusetts. In Goodridge v. Department of Public Health , it managed to argue before the Supreme Judicial Court of Massachusetts that to limit marriage to heterosexual couples is a violation of the state constitution. In October 2008, GLAD won the right of marriage to same-sex couples in Connecticut with the decision of the Connecticut Supreme Court at Kerrigan v. Commissioner of Public Health .
GLAAD
GLAAD (formerly Gay & Lesbian Alliance on Defamation) is a non-governmental US media monitoring organization promoting the image of LGBT people in the media. Prior to March 2013, the name "GLAAD" has become an acronym for "Gay & Lesbian Alliance Against Defamation," but it became a major name because of the inclusiveness of bisexual and transgender issues. Its missions mission, in part, is to "[strengthen] the LGBT community's voice by empowering real people to share their stories, asking the media to be responsible for the words and images they present, and helping grass-roots organizations communicate effectively."
Formed in New York City in 1985 to protest what it sees as defamatory and sensational Aids, GLAAD presses media organizations to end what it sees as homophobic reporting. Early meetings were held in the homes of several New York City activists as well as hours at the New York Arts Council. Founding groups include film scientist Vito Russo; Gregory Kolovakos, then to the NYS Art Council staff and later to become the first executive director; Darryl Yates Rist; Allen Barnett; and Jewelle Gomez, the organization's first treasurer. Some members of GLAAD later became the initial members of ACT UP.
In 1987, after a meeting with GLAAD, The New York Times changed its editorial policy to use the word gay instead of a more rude term referring to homosexuality. GLAAD recommends that Associated Press and other television and print news sources follow. The influence of GLAAD soon spread to Los Angeles, where organizers began working with the entertainment industry to change the way LGBT people are portrayed on screen.
Entertainment Weekly has referred to GLAAD as one of Hollywood's most powerful entities, and Los Angeles Times describes GLAAD as "probably one of the most successful organizations that lobby the media for inclusion."
In the first five years of its founding in New York as an Anti-Defamation League of Gay and Lesbian (shortly after turning into "Gay & Lesbian Alliance Against Defamation" after legal pressure by the Anti-Defamation League), GLAAD Chapters was founded in Los Angeles and other cities, with the LA chapter becoming very influential because of its proximity to the California entertainment industry. GLAAD/NY and GLAAD/LA will eventually opt to join in 1994, with other city branches joining shortly thereafter; However, the chapters remain, with Media GLAAD Award ceremonies divided each year into three ceremonies held in New York City, Los Angeles and San Francisco.
New generation activism embodied in Queer Nation
On March 20, 1990, sixty LGBTQs gathered at the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender Community Service Center in Greenwich Village New York to create a live action organization. The goals of the unnamed organization are the removal of homophobia, and increased visibility of gays, lesbians and bisexuals through various tactics. The group's breakthrough was at the New York Pride Gay gallery when militant militant activists fainted into the crowd that gathered an inflammatory manifesto, carrying the title I Hate Straights! and Queer Read This! Within days, in response to the insolent tone, the in-your-face of the branches, Queer Nation has sprung up in San Francisco and other major cities. The name Queer Nation has been used casually since the beginning of the group, until it was officially approved at the group's general meeting on May 17, 1990.
Rather than pointing out the specific genre of sexual identity, "strange" comes to represent a number of positions composed in opposition to oppressive social and cultural norms and policies related to sexuality and gender. Their political philosophy is summarized in the now cliché slogan, "We're Here We're the Deer People. Queer Nation relies on large and public meetings to organize the agenda and plan actions of many committees (such as LABIA: Lesbians and Bisexuals in Action, and SHOP: Suburban Homosexual Outreach Project). Equally important, "strange" becomes an important concept both socially and intellectually, helping to expand what is primarily a gay and lesbian social movement into a more inclusive one of bisexual and transgender people. The Queer Nation style refers to the urgency felt by the AIDS activist community about the escalating epidemic and the lack of meaningful government response, and is inspired by the direct action tactics of the AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power (ACT UP). Described by activist scholars Allan Bà © Å © Rubà ©  © and Jeffrey Escoffier as the first "retro-future/postmodern" activist group to address gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender concerns, this short-lived organization had a lasting impact on identity politics sex in the United States. The need for a living politics to understand gender and sexual relationships in this widespread social movement in turn helped launch the field of "strange studies" in higher education.
History of the Transgender Movement in the United States
In the United States, little information that scientists can gain about the political sensitivities of transgender people in the early 20th century shows an acute awareness of their vulnerability to arrest, discrimination against them in housing and employment, and their difficulties in creating legal identity "bureaucratic coherent" due to gender status changes. They generally experience a sense of social isolation, and often express a desire to create a wider network of associations with other transgender people. In fact, there are some arguments about when the true start of the American Gay Rights Movement began. The earliest claimed date was 1924 in Chicago when the Society for Human Rights was established to declare civil rights for gays. However, it is also argued that the beginning of the Gay Rights Movement, the LGBT Movement in the United States, after years of control and concealment, began in the 1940s in Los Angeles. One of the earliest organizations or founders was the Mattachine Society. A secret society which then began to be associated with Communist values, the public engaged in politics and made its first appearance by supporting Henry Wall and the Progressive Party during the 1948 presidential election. The Mattachine Society was led by Harry Hay and began to slowly gain national attention and membership. Some historians also marked the beginning of the movement as a 1965 gay march held in front of Independence Hall in Philadelphia to protest the dismissal of homosexual federal workers. The event that was even called the beginning of the movement for Gay Rights was the Stonewall Riot, Stonewall Inn in 1969. On June 27, 1969, the Inn Stonewall Inn New York bar was raided by police. Although this is a regular incident in a gay bar like Stonewall, the reaction of his patron, as they refuse to go and clash with the attacking police, eventually leads to street riots. This event gives way to the media's attention to the issues facing LGBT community and therefore raises public awareness, making it possible to have an influential movement. Some offer less specific time for the beginning of the movement and argue that during World War II, movements to protect gay and lesbian civil rights emerged. Men and women who participated in the military homosexual world began to realize that it was part of their identity. When they returned to the city, they began to live their new lifestyle openly and in large numbers only to be suppressed by police and government. Scholars do not show clearly and clearly the beginning of gay rights activism in the US and as previously said this is possible for their poor political and social position. Although there is much confusion about the start of the movement, there are clearly defined phases in the whole movement for gay rights in the US. The first phase of the movement is the homophile phase, which mainly consists of Mattachine Community activities, ONE Publications, ONE Inc., and The Daughters of Bilitis. The homophile movement, which emphasizes love as opposed to sexuality, focuses on protesting the political system for social acceptance. Any demonstrations organized by homophiles are organized and polite, but these demonstrations have little impact because they are ignored by the media. In 1969, the second phase of the movement, gay liberation, began. During this phase the number of homophile organizations is increasing rapidly, as many LGBT communities become inspired by the various cultural movements that take place over a period of time, such as the anti-Vietnam War movement or the Black Power movement. Activism during this phase encourages "gay power" and encourages homosexuals to "get out of the closet", thus openly displaying their pride over who they are. They are also stronger against anti-homosexual sanctions than activists from the previous phase, participating in parades, riots, and sit-ins. These radicals in the 1970s would then call the earlier homophile groups as assimilation to their less powerful methods. Also during this phase there is an increase in lesbian-centered organizations within the movement.
Opposition
Unflattering public opinion
The movement of LGBT is opposed by various individuals and organizations. They may have personal, moral, political or religious objections to gay rights, homosexual or gay relationships. Opponents say same-sex relationships are not marriage, that same-sex marriage legislation will open the door for polygamous legalization, that it is unnatural and that encourages unhealthy behavior. Some social conservatives believe that all sexual intercourse with people other than the opposite couple damages the traditional family and that children should be raised at home with the father and mother. As societies increasingly accept homosexuality, there have been many groups seeking to end homosexuality; during the 1990s, one of the most famous groups established with this goal was the ex-gay movement.
Some people fear that gay rights may conflict with individual freedom of speech, freedom of religion in the workplace, and the ability to run churches, charitable organizations and other religious organizations with social and cultural views that conflict with LGBT rights. There is also concern that religious organizations may be forced to accept and engage in same-sex marriage or risk losing their tax-exempt status.
Eric Rofes author of the book, Radical Thoughts on Sexuality and Schooling: Status Quo or Status Queer? , argues that the inclusion of the teachings on homosexuality in public schools will play an important role in changing the public idea of ​​lesbian and gay individuals. As a former teacher in the public school system, Rofes tells how he was dismissed from his teaching position after making a decision to quit as gay. As a result of the stigma he faces as a gay teacher he stressed the need for the public to take a radical approach to making significant changes in public attitudes about homosexuality. According to Rofes, the radical approach is based on the belief that "something fundamental needs to be changed for authentic and sweeping changes to emerge." The radical approach proposed by Rofes has been greeted with strong opposition from anti-gay rights activists such as John Briggs.. Former California senator John Briggs proposed Proposition 6, a voting initiative that would require all California state public schools shoot gay or lesbian teachers or counselors, along with faculty that show support for gay rights in an attempt to prevent what he believes into "children's mind corruption". The exclusion of homosexuality from the curriculum of sexual education, in addition to the absence of a sexual counseling program in public schools, has resulted in an increase in feelings of isolation and seclusion for gay and lesbian students who wish to have a gay counseling program that will help them come to terms with their sexual orientation. Eric Rofes, founder of a teenage homosexual program, such as Out There and the Committee for Gay Youth, emphasized the importance of having a support program that helps adolescents learn to identify with their sexual orientation.
David Campos, author of the book, Sex, Youth, and Sex Education: A Reference Handbook, illuminates the arguments proposed by advocates of sexual education programs in public schools. Many gay rights advocates argue that the teaching of diverse sexual orientations that exist outside of heterosexuality is concerned with creating students who are informed about the world around them. However, Campos also acknowledged that the sex education curriculum alone can not teach youth about factors related to sexual orientation but instead suggests that schools implement policies that create a safe school environment and foster development for gay and lesbian, bisexual, and gay adolescents transgender. It is his belief that schools that provide unbiased and factual information about sexual orientation, along with a supportive counseling program for these homosexual youths will change the way people treat homosexuality. Many opponents of the LGBT social movement have linked their indifference to homosexuality as a result of immoral values ​​that might be implanted in children exposed to homosexual individuals. Contrary to this claim, many advocates of an increase in education on homosexuality suggest that educators should refrain from teaching full school sexuality at school. In his book entitled "The Gay and Lesbian Movement," Margaret Cruickshank provides statistics from Harris and Yankelvoich polls which confirm that over 80% of American adults believe students should be educated about sexuality in their public schools. In addition, the poll also found that 75% of parents believe that homosexuality and abortion should be included in the curriculum as well. An assessment conducted on the California public school system found that only 2% of all parents who actually do not believe in their child are taught about sexuality in school.
He has argued that education has a positive impact on support for same-sex marriage. African Americans have statistically lower levels of educational attainment, however, the educational level of African Americans has little meaning in their attitude toward same-sex marriage as it does in whites. Educational attainment among whites has a significant positive effect on support for same-sex marriage, while the direct effect of education among African Americans is less significant. The level of white income has a direct and positive correlation with support for same-sex marriage, but the African American income level is not significantly associated with attitudes toward same-sex marriage.
The location also influences ideas towards same-sex marriage; rural and southern populations are significantly more opposed to same-sex marriage than people elsewhere. Women are consistently more supportive than men of LGBT rights, and individuals who are divorced or never married are also more likely to give marriage rights to same-sex couples than married or widower. Also, white women are significantly more supportive than white men, but there is no gender difference among African-Americans. The year in which a person is born is a strong indicator of attitudes toward same-sex marriage - the generation born after 1946 is much more supportive of same-sex marriage than the older generation. Statistics show that African-Americans are more opposed to same-sex marriages than any other ethnic group.
Studies show that Non-Protestants are far more likely to support same-sex unions than Protestants; 63% of African Americans claim that they are Baptists or Protestants, while only 30% are white Americans. Religion, as measured by individual affiliations, attitudes, and religious beliefs, has a great deal of influence in the structure of same-sex trade unions and consistently influences opinions about homosexuality. The most liberal attitude is generally reflected by Jews, liberal Protestants, and people who are not affiliated with religion. This is because many of their religious traditions do not "systematically condemn homosexual behavior" in recent years. A moderate and tolerant attitude is generally reflected by moderate Catholics and Protestants. And finally, the most conservative view held by Evangelical Protestants. In addition, there is a tendency for a person to be less tolerant of homosexuality if their social network is deeply attached to the religious congregation. Organized religion, particularly Protestant and Baptist religions, supports a conservative view that has traditionally denounced unions of the same kind. Therefore, these congregations are more likely to hear such messages. The poll also shows that the number and level of personal contacts individuals have with homosexual individuals and traditional morality affects same-sex marriage and homosexuality.
Historical Opposition
Although gays and lesbians struggle to announce their efforts in the US, they are still facing opposition. Despite participating in very little public activity in the early 19th century, many gays and lesbians were targeted by police who kept a list of bars and restaurants known to serve the population. Many were arrested for sodomy or hospitalization in a mental facility for homosexuality. They are also fired from many jobs for their lifestyle. Countries have many laws that make homosexuality a crime and governments often support states, as in the 1917 Immigration Act that refuses homosexuals to enter the country. Homosexual organizations are disrupted because they are said to violate irregular behavior laws, and bar and gay businesses have their licenses unlawfully suspended or revoked. This persecution seems to have only increased after World War II, as many gays and lesbians live more openly. Thousands of federal employees including soldiers were dismissed and fired on suspicion of being homosexual. Though since then, there has been more activism by the LGBT Community, through an increase in the number of organizations coupled with more visibility and aggressive protests. However, many of the rights detained today even after same-sex marriages were nationally approved in the United States on June 26, 2016. Nevertheless, modern Gay Rights Movement activists are still struggling for full equality.
Identity politics
The term identity politics has been applied retroactively to movements that have long preceded its currency. Historian Arthur Schlesinger, Jr. discussed identity politics widely in his book The Disuniting of America. Schlesinger, a strong advocate of the liberal concept of civil rights, argues that liberal democracy requires a common basis for culture and society to function. The most important and revolutionary element of identity politics is the claim that the oppressed group is recognized as inseparable from their differences but specifically because of their differences. The early stages of the development of the modern gay movement are closely related to identity politics. In order for gay and lesbian issues to be placed on the political agenda, gays and lesbians should identify openly with their homosexuality and 'out'. Proponents of identity politics believe in self-determination on the part of oppressed groups. Proponents of identity politics argue that those who do not share life experiences brought to members of oppressed groups can not understand what it means to be someone with that identity. Not limited to traditionally conceptualized political activities, identity politics refers to activism, politics, theory, and other similar activities based on the shared experience of members of certain social groups (often depending on the shared experience of oppression).
The term identity politics and the movements associated with it appeared in the later part of the 20th century. It is most found in class movements, feminist movements, gay and lesbian movements, disability movements, ethnic movements and post-colonial movements. Identity politics is open to widespread debate and criticism. The influence of minorities is a central component of identity politics. The influence of minorities is a form of social influence that occurs when the majority is influenced to accept minority beliefs or behavior. Unlike other forms of influence, this usually involves a personal shift in personal opinion. This personal opinion shift is called a conversion.
Groups involved in identity politics take part in activities such as community organizing and awareness raising, and participation in political and social movements. Identity politics assumes that the identity and shared experience of glbtq people is a rational basis for political action, regardless of the different (and sometimes competing) interests of each member of the queer community. The basis of this assumption is the notion that glbtqs are legitimate political constituencies worthy of equal rights and representation. Some critics argue that groups based on a shared identity, other than class (eg religious identity or neurological wiring), can divert energy and attention from more basic problems, such as class conflict in capitalist society. Even those who support gay rights, freedom of religion or ending racism, for example, can consider these side issues well. Those who have many oppressed identities sometimes respond by forming new, more specific groups of identity politics.
Gay and lesbian liberal-reformist activists continue to work for gay and lesbian acceptance in the institutions and cultures of mainstream society, but weird activists make the point of proclaiming themselves outside the mainstream and have no desire to be accepted by or join me t. Identity politics is sometimes criticized as narrow, even childish, and essentialist. Social critics, for example, argue that identity is a too narrow base for politics. However, as long as glbtq people are stigmatized and discriminated on the basis of their sexual and gender identity, identity politics tend to be seen as the right response.
In the 1980s, identity politics has been the center of the struggle for gay struggle. This opens the way for change but also criticism. Some LGBT rights activists, along with odd theorists, came to criticize the political approach of identity to gay rights, especially the approach based on the terms and concepts of odd theories. Another strange activist, drawing on the work of Judith Butler, emphasized the importance of not assuming an existing identity, but rebuilding and exposing identity through performance. There is also a keen supporter of identity politics who have developed their stance on the basis of Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak's work, and have described some forms of identity politics as strategic essentialism, a form that has sought to work with the hegemonic discourse to reform the understanding of "universal" goals.
In the broader context, some critics argue that the homogeneity that is intolerant to mainstream culture is the fact that making full acceptance is impossible and that social justice movements must lead to non-integration but multicultural pluralism, with no escape to the kinds oppressive homogeneity is now being played.. (See Urvashi Vaid's work for a discussion on the dangers of homogeneity.)
1920s
The 1920s ushered in a new era of social acceptance of minorities and homosexuals, at least in very urban areas. This is reflected in many films (see Prapping) of this decade openly made reference to homosexuality. Even popular songs make fun of new social acceptance of homosexuality. One of these songs has the title "Female Masculine, Feminine Men." The album was released in 1926 and recorded by many artists on that day and includes the following lyrics:
Homosexuals received a level of acceptance that was not seen again until the 1960s. Until the early 1930s, gay clubs operated openly, commonly known as "sissy clubs". The relative liberalism of this decade is demonstrated by the fact that actor William Haines, regularly referred to in newspapers and magazines as number one attracted the men's box office, openly living in a gay relationship with his girlfriend, Jimmie Shields. Other popular gay actors/actresses in this decade include Alla Nazimova and Ramon Novarro. In 1927, Mae West wrote a play on homosexuality called Drag, and alluded to Karl Heinrich Ulrichs. It was box-office success. The West considers talking about sex as a basic human rights issue, and is also an early supporter of gay rights. Emma Goldman also spoke in defense of gay rights so far. With the return of conservatism in the 1930s, the public grew intolerant of homosexuality, and gay actors were forced to choose between retirement or agree to conceal their sexuality.
Initial advocacy
The transgender advocacy effort did not begin to gain momentum, however, until the 1950s, after unprecedented publicity was given to Christine Jorgensen, whose 1952 "sex change" operation made her an international celebrity and brought transgender issues to widespread attention.
Louise Lawrence, a male-to-female transgender who began living full-time as a woman in San Francisco in the 1940s, was a central figure of the transgender community. He works closely with Alfred Kinsey to bring the needs of transgender people to the attention of social scientists and sex reformers. In 1971, Lawrence released his first science fiction novel, Andra , about a futuristic society in which rulers dominate underground city life. The novel, a commentary on fascism, was labeled young adults, though Lawrence disagreed with the classification. The novel, featuring some adult content, was softened and adapted into a short-lived Australian children show in 1976. Lawrence's eighth novel, Children of the Dust, was published in 1985. His novel, on the effects of nuclear disaster, sparked controversy because of a nightmare vision of a future in which children are born with disabilities and the government leaves citizens to fend for themselves. It contains graphic violence, abusive language, and a description of sexual activity, which is banned from many school libraries. Nevertheless, this novel has developed a heresy. Lawrence collaborated with Virginia Prince, who started cross-dressing in high school, who founded the peer support group and the first advocacy group for male cross dressers in the United States.
In 1960, the first edition of Prince of Transylvanian magazine was published (eight years after its first magazine, which lasted only two editions, but its interests were astonishing). The Prince acquired the means to fund the publication after compiling a list of 25 acquaintances, each of whom was willing to donate four dollars to start his career. Working with a hundred dollars, Prince then launched his first edition, published by his own Chevalier Publications, and sold it by subscription and through adult bookstores. Transvestia was published bimonthly between 1960 and 1980, with a total of 100 issues being made. In 1963, a jacket in a magazine declared the publication "dedicated to the normal sexual needs of individuals who have discovered the existence of sic from the 'other side' and attempted to express me."
Bisexual Activism
Bisexuals became more visible in the LGBT rights movement in the 1960s and 1970s. In 1966 bisexual activist Robert A. Martin (aka Donny the Punk) founded the Student Homophile League at Columbia University and New York University. In 1967, Columbia University officially recognized this group, thus making them the first college in the United States to officially recognize gay student groups. Activism on behalf of bisexual in particular also began to grow, especially in San Francisco. One of the earliest organizations for bisexual, the Sexual Liberties League in San Francisco, was facilitated by Margo Rila and Frank Esposito starting in 1967. Two years later, during a staff meeting at San Francisco mental health facility serving LGBT people, Nurse Maggi Rubenstein came out as bisexual. Because of this, bisexuals are being included in the facility program for the first time.
Bisexual activist Brenda Howard is known as "Mother of Pride" for her work in coordinating the first LGBT pride parade. Howard also derived the idea for a series of week-long events around Pride Day that became the birthplace of the annual LGBT Pride celebrations that are now being held around the world every June. In addition, Howard along with bisexual activist Robert A. Martin (aka Donny the Punk) and L. Craig Schoonmaker are credited with popularizing the word "Pride" to describe these celebrations. As the bisexual activist Tom Limoncelli says, "Next time someone asks you why the LGBT Pride parade exists or why [LGBT] Moon Pride is June tells them 'A bisexual woman named Brenda Howard thinks it should be.'"
In 1972 a Quaker group, the Friend Committee on Bisexuality, issued a bisexual "Ithaca Declaration of Bisexuality".
The statement, which may be "the first public statement of the bisexual movement" and "of course the first statement about bisexuality issued by the American religious council," appeared in the Quaker Friends Journal and The Advocate > in 1972.
In the same year, the National Bisexual Liberation Group was formed in New York. In 1976 San Francisco Bisexual Center opened.
Organization upgrade in 1960
Awakened from the streets of transgender riot prostitutes in a poor Tenderloin neighborhood at a popular restaurant all night, Cafeteria Gene Compton. in 1966, San Francisco transsexual activist worked with Harry Benjamin (a leading medical expert on transsexuality), the Erickson Education Foundation (founded by Reed Erickson, who funded the development of a new model of providing medical services for transsexuals in the 1960s and 1970s.) activist ministers in the progressive Glide Memorial Methodist Church, and city bureaucrats to build an incredible network of services and support for transsexuals, including a city-funded health clinic that provides hormones and a federally funded work-training program that helps prostitutes learn about jobs. skills to get out of the way and ultimately give them a significant opportunity to create a decent and viable life, without economic and professional insecurity.
Transgender movement
Transsexual in San Francisco established the Transsexual Counseling Unit, located in the office space rented by the Poverty War. At first, they were organized as C.O.G. (Conversion of Our Purpose) in 1967. When funding from the Poverty War program ceased, the Erickson Education Foundation funded a storefront office located in the San Francisco Tenderloin in Turk St. There is a Transsexual Counseling Service, with help from EEF as well as Queen Lee Brewster magazine extending their services outside the Bay Area by dealing with transsexuals across the country. To reflect this, TCS became the "National Transsexual Counseling Unit." Reed Erickson was responsible for funding these and other programs that became the initial transsexual movement through the foundation of the Erickson Education Foundation.In the 1960s, some lines of transgender activism were closely linked. for the liberation of gays, the most famous, the transgender "queen of the streets" played an instrumental role in sparking unrest at the New York Stonewall Inn in 1969, which is often regarded as a turning point in LGBT political activism.Japanese transsexual activist Judy Bowen held two short other living groups, TAT (Transsexual and Transgender) in 1970, and Anonymous Transsexual in 1971 but have no lasting effect.More significant is the creation of Mario Martino of the Labyrinth Foundation Counseling Service in the late 1960s in New York , the first transgender community-based organization that specifically addresses the racing female-to-male transsexual god. Sylvia Riv era, a transgender veteran of the Stonewall Riot, is an early member of the Gay Liberation Front and Gay Alliance Activist in New York. Together with his brother Marsha P. (for "Pay It No Mind") Johnson, Rivera founded STAR (Street Transvestite Action Revolutionaries) in 1970. That same year, New York gay attraction activist Lee Brewster and heterosexual transvestite Bunny Eisenhower founded the Front The liberation of Queens, and Brewster began publishing Queens , one of the more political transgender publications of the 1970s.
Prominent figures of militant transgender activism on the West Coast are Beth Elliot and Angela Douglas. Elliot is one of the politically active transsexual lesbians, who at one point served as vice president of the San Francisco chapter of the Daughters of Bilitis, the lesbian homophile organization, and edited the chapter newsletter, Sisters . Elliot became a flashpoint for MTF male-to-female transsexual inclusion issues in a women's community when, after a divisive public debate, he was expelled from the West Coast Women's Conference in 1973. Douglas was active in GLF-Los Angeles in 1969 and wrote extensively on issues of sexual liberation for the Southern California counter-cultural press. In 1970 he founded the TAO (Transsexual/Transvestite Action Organization), which published the Moonshadow bulletin and Mirage . Douglas moved TAO to Miami in 1972, where he came to include some Puerto Rican and Cuban members, and soon grew to become the first truly international transgender community organization.
Development and challenge
The 1970s was characterized by a slow, incremental increase as well as a demoralizing setback from the first flushed face of success in the late 1960s. In the early 1970s in Philadelphia, Radical Queens Collective forged an effective political relationship with gay freedom and lesbian feminist activists. In Southern California, activists like Jude Patton and Joanna Clark pioneered competent social, psychological and medical support services for transgender people.
The feminist ethicist Janice Raymond in his Transcendental Kingdom characterized transgender men as traitors to their sex and the cause of feminism, and transgender women as rapists engage in undesirable female space penetration. He suggested that transsexuals are "morally mandated from existence." As a result of such views, transgender activists in the 1970s and 1980s tended to wage their struggle for equality and human rights separately rather than allied with other progressive political movements.
Transsexuals live in oppressive environments and are considered wild, unfeasible or even dangerous, as new political and social agendas, which provoke this negative attitude, are on the rise. That is the reason for pessimism and inactivity in the transgender community.
However, legal status is improving across the country, making it easier for transgender people to change gender appointments on country-issued identification documents and to seek affordable and professional health care. In 1975, the city of Minneapolis became the first government entity in the United States to pass trans-inclusive civil rights protection legislation.
New questions, subcultures and challenges in the 1980s and after
When the AIDS epidemic began to appear in 1981, transgender people - especially the minorities involved in street prostitution and injecting drug subcultures - were among the hardest hit. Sala
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