Second Congo War

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The Second Congo War (also known as Great African War or The Great African War , and is sometimes referred to as Africa World War ) began in August 1998 in the Democratic Republic of Congo, a little over a year after the First Congo War, and involved several similar issues. The war officially ended in July 2003, when the Transitional Administration of the Democratic Republic of Congo took power. Although a peace agreement was signed in 2002, violence continues in many parts of the country, especially in the east. Hostilities have continued since the Uprising of the Lord's Resistance, and the conflicts of Kivu and Ituri.

In the end, nine African countries and about twenty-five armed groups were involved in the war. In 2008, the war and its consequences have caused 5.4 million deaths, mainly due to illness and starvation, making the Second Congo War the world's deadliest conflict ever since World War II. The other two million displaced from their homes or sought asylum in neighboring countries.

Despite formally ending the war in July 2003 and an agreement by former warring parties to create a national unity government, 1,000 people died every day in 2004 from malnourished and preventable cases. War is driven by (like conflict after) mineral trade conflict, among other things.

Video Second Congo War

​​Latar Belakang

pawai Kabila ke Kinshasa

The First Congo War began in 1996 when Rwanda increasingly expressed concern that Hutu Rassemblement members DÃÆ' Â © mocratique poured Rwandan militia into cross-border attacks from Zaire, and planned an invasion of Rwanda. The militias, mostly Hutus, have been entrenched in refugee camps in eastern Zaire, where many have fled to flee the Ruth's Tutsi-dominated Rwandan Front (RPF) in Rwanda after the 1994 Rwandan genocide.

The Rwand-dominated RPF Tutsi RPF (ruling from July 1994) protested violations of the territorial integrity of Rwanda and began arming Tutsi Banyamulenge from eastern Zaire. Mobutu's government in Zaire strongly criticized this intervention but lacked the military ability to stop it or political capital to attract international aid.

With the active support of Uganda, Rwanda and Angola, Tutsi Laurent-Dà © ne sirà © à ¢    Kabila moved methodically under the Congo River, facing only mild resistance from the forces of the untrained and undisciplined regime of Mobutu. Most Kabila fighters are Tutsi, and many of them are veterans of various conflicts in the Great Lakes region of Africa. Kabila himself had credibility as a long-time political rival Mobutu, and had become a follower of Patrice Lumumba (the first Prime Minister of the independent Congo), executed by a combination of internal and external forces in January 1961, being replaced by Mobutu in 1965. Kabila had declared himself a Marxist and admirer of Mao Zedong. He has waged an armed insurrection in eastern Zaire for more than three decades, though Che Guevara in his notes about the early years of the conflict portrayed him as a non-committed and lackluster leader.

Kabila troops began a slow movement in the west in December 1996 towards the end of the Great Lakes refugee crisis, taking control of border towns and mining and strengthening controls. There are reports of massacres and brutal suppression by rebel soldiers. A United Nations human rights investigator issued a statement from witnesses claiming that ADFLC Kabila (the Democratic Forces Alliance for Congolese Liberation) was involved in the massacre, and that the forward troops killed as many as 60,000 civilians, a claim strongly rejected by the ADFLC. Roberto Garreton stated that his investigation in Goma resulted in allegations of disappearance, torture and murder. He quotes MoÃÆ'¯se Nyarugabo, an aide to Mobutu, who says that killing and disappearance should be expected in times of war.

Kabila troops launched an offensive in March 1997 and demanded that the Kinshasa government surrender. On 27 March the rebels took Kasenga. The government denied the success of the rebels, initiating a long pattern of false statements from the Minister of Defense about the progress and implementation of the war. Negotiations were proposed at the end of March, and on April 2, Zaire's new prime minister, ÃÆ' â € ° tienne Tshisekedi - the old rival Mobutu - was installed. Kabila, at this point controlled about a quarter of the country, dismissed this as irrelevant and warned Tshisekedi that he would not have any part in the new government if he accepted the post.

Throughout April 1997 the ADFLC made consistent progress in its progress from the east, and in May its forces had reached the outskirts of Kinshasa. Mobutu escaped from Kinshasa on May 16, and "libÃÆ' Â © rateurs" (liberators) entered the capital with no serious resistance. Mobutu fled the country and died in exile in Morocco four months later. Kabila proclaimed himself president on May 17, 1997, and immediately ordered a crackdown to restore order. Kabila started the nation's reorganization efforts.

Unsolicited support from other African countries

When Kabila took control of the capital in May 1997, he faced a major obstacle to regulating the country, which he named the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) of ZaÃÆ'¡re. Beyond the political turmoil among various groups to gain immense power and foreign debt, its foreign supporters proved unwilling to leave when asked. Rwanda's striking presence in the capital made many Congolese, who began to see Kabila as a pawn of foreign powers.

Tensions reached new heights on July 14, 1998 when Kabila fired his Rwandan chief of staff, James Kabarebe, and replaced him with Congo native Celestin Kifwa. Although the move made cold relations with Rwanda, Kabila softened the blow by making Kabarebe a military advisor to his successor.

Two weeks later Kabila chose to ignore the previous decision. He thanked Rwanda for his help and ordered all Rwandan and Ugandan military forces to leave the country. Within 24 hours, Rwandan military advisers living in Kinshasa were quickly flown. The people most concerned about this order were Tutsi Banyamulenge from eastern Congo. Their tension with neighboring ethnic groups has been a contributing factor in the origins of the First Congo War and they were also used by Rwanda to influence events at the border in DRC.

Maps Second Congo War

1998-1999

The early rebel attacks threatened Kabila's government in a matter of weeks. Rapid intervention from a number of other African countries sought to assist the DRC in the fight against insurgent attacks. When the rebel forces were pushed back, it appears that the escalation of conflict with conventional wars among many of the national army appeared. Such a result was avoided when the battle line began to stabilize in 1999. After that, the conflict was often championed by irregular proxy forces with little change in territories held by various parties.

On August 2, 1998, Banyamulenge in the city of Goma erupted into rebellion. Rwanda offered immediate assistance to Banyamulenge and in early August a fully armed rebel group, the Rally for Congolese Democracy (RCD) - which consisted mainly of Banyamulenge and supported by Rwanda and Uganda - emerged. The group quickly dominated resource-rich provinces and based on its operations in Goma. The RCD quickly captured the towns of Bukavu and Uvira in Kivus. The Tutsi-led Rwandan government is allied with Uganda, and Burundi also retaliates, occupying a portion of northeastern Congo. To help get rid of the occupying Rwandans, President Kabila sought refuge in Hutus in eastern Congo and began to arouse public opinion against the Tutsis, which resulted in some public rapes on the streets of Kinshasa. On August 12, a loyal soldier broadcasted an urgent message of resistance from a radio station in Bunia in eastern Congo: "People have to carry machetes, spears, arrows, hoes, shovels, rakes, nails, batons, electric irons, wire thorns, rocks, and the like, in order, an esteemed listener, to kill the Rwandan Tutsis. "

The Rwandan government also challenges the current border by claiming a key part of eastern Congo as "historically Rwanda". The Rwandans charged that Kabila organized a genocide against their Tutsi siblings in the Kivu region. The extent to which Rwanda's intervention is motivated by the desire to protect Banyamulenge, as opposed to using them as a veil for regional aspirations after expelling Mobutu Sese Seko, is still debated.

In a bold move, Rwandan troops under the command of James Kabarebe hijacked three planes and flew them into Kitona's government base on the Atlantic coast. The aircraft landed in the center of Kitona's base, but the diverse collection of troops there (ex-FAZ, but also elements of Angola UNITA and former Pascal Lissouba militia from Brazzaville) are in poor condition and not in a condition to fight unless given food and weapons. They were quickly won to the Rwandan side. More towns in the east and around Kitona are rapidly falling because the combined army of RCDs, Rwandans and rebels rule the government forces amid the confusion of ineffective diplomatic efforts by various African countries. On August 13, less than two weeks after the uprising began, the rebels detained an Inga hydroelectric station that provided electricity for Kinshasa and the Matadi port that passed most Kinshasa food. The diamond center of Kisangani fell into the hands of the rebels on August 23 and troops from the east began threatening Kinshasa at the end of August. Uganda, while maintaining its RCD support with Rwanda, also created an exclusively-backed rebel group, the Congolese Liberation Movement (MLC).

Despite the movement of the front line, fighting continues throughout the country. Even as the rebel forces advanced in Kinshasa, government troops continued to fight to seize control of the cities of the eastern part of the country. Hutu militants who cooperate with Kabila are also a significant force in the east. However, the fall of the capital and Kabila, who had spent the previous weeks desperately seeking support from various African and Cuban countries, seems increasingly certain. The rebel attack was suddenly reversed when Kabila's diplomatic efforts paid off. The first African countries to respond to Kabila's request for assistance were fellow South African Development Community (SADC) members. Although officially members of the SADC are bound to a joint defense agreement in cases of external aggression, many member states take a neutral stance on the conflict. However, the governments of Namibia, Zimbabwe and Angola supported Kabila's government after a meeting in Harare, Zimbabwe, on August 19. Several countries joined the conflict for Kabila in the following weeks: Chad, Libya, and Sudan.

The multisite war began. In September 1998 Zimbabwean troops flew to Kinshasa to resist a rebel attack reaching the outskirts of the capital, while Angolan units attacked north from its border and eastward from the Angola Cabinda region, against the besieged rebel forces. This intervention by various countries saved Kabila's government and pushed the rebel front line away from the capital. However, they can not defeat the rebel forces, and the progress threatens to escalate into direct conflict with the national army of Uganda and Rwanda. In November 1998, a new Ugandan-backed rebel group, the Movement for Congolese Liberation, was reported in the north of the country. On 6 November Rwandan President Paul Kagame admitted for the first time that Rwandan troops assisted RCD rebels for security reasons, apparently after Nelson Mandela's request to advance peace talks. On January 18, 1999, Rwanda, Uganda, Angola, Namibia and Zimbabwe agreed on a ceasefire at a summit in Windhoek, Namibia but the RCD was not invited. Fighting thus continues.

Outside Africa, most countries remain neutral, but insist on an end to violence.

Foreign support from the Congolese government

Zimbabwe

Administration Robert Mugabe sent elements of the Zimbabwe National Army to the Democratic Republic of Congo in 1998. Mugabe, perhaps the most persistent advocate of intervention on behalf of Kabila, was the only major player involved in the conflict capable of dividing a fairly modern and experienced person. Air Force. The Zimbabwean military is also regarded as one of the more complete and professional in the region; However, ZNA combat performance remains rather mediocre.

Zimbabwe's strategy revolves around defending Laurent Kabila only with allied forces, as Congolese troops are deemed unreliable, then retake important settlements, and drive out rebels from the Kinshasa region. Mugabe's initial buildup at Kinshasha consists of special forces along with some paratroopers, reportedly between 600 and 1,000. In August 1998, two more battalions were sent. They were accompanied by some Soviet T-54/55 tanks, Crocodile armored personnel carriers, and EE-9 Cascavel scout car flown to the capital on Angola Air Force aircraft. The contingent grew to 3,800 around November, and peaked at 12,000 in January 2001. The Zimbabweans began to leave in 2002 and have been entirely withdrawn by the end of the year. Prior to this deployment, Zimbabwe had built weapons, reaction strength, seemingly strong brigade reaction power, with efficient air support and professional competence; But prolonged operations in Congo are said to have damaged its credibility.

The Zimbabwe Air Force specifically uses air power, fending off Rwandan rebels against Mbuji-Mayi with repeated attacks by BAE Hawks and Hawker Hunters. It also suffered heavy losses during the conflict, including three of the six Mil Mi-24 Hind helicopters, a transport plane, and an unidentified interceptor, probably Chengdu J-7 China. Despite the effectiveness of its Eland-90 and Cascavel armored cars, Zimbabwe's ground troops also lost a significant amount, either captured or destroyed by a rebel coalition. When the loss of hardware doubled, Western donors - including the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank placed their aid programs to Harare under review, denied Mugabe, the foreign currency he needed to buy spare parts worth $ 600 million for combat vehicles later employed in Congo.

Namibia

Under the direction of President Sam Nujoma, Namibia became involved in Congo in the name of its commitment to the South African Development Community. Nujoma, Kabila's long-time ally, claims he can not refuse military aid requests from Zimbabwe and Angola. The ruling SWAPO party in Windhoek has interests in Kinshasa similar to those claimed by Mugabe, including the export of lucrative fish and valuable shares in the SocietÃÆ'Â © MiniÃÆ'¨re de Bakwanga . In February 1999, Namibian Defense Force personnel in Congo numbered nearly 1,000: the possibility of an infantry battalion with staff, artillery and logistical support. Between 2000 and 2001 this figure may fluctuate between 1,600 and 2,000, although the Namibian forces remain less important to the conflict. They were withdrawn in 2002, with 30 soldiers killed in action and war effort spending Namibia $ 150,000 per day.

Namibian intervention was met with harsh criticism by opposition parties, as well as neighboring South Africa and some Western donors. The EU expressed concern that Nujoma was abusing its country's development fund for the Congolese expedition, and individual member states - including Finland - cut financial aid. A fierce diplomatic strife also occurred with the authorities in South Africa after they suspended all exit military exports to the NDF.

Angola

The Angolan government has fought against Mobutu SEA Seko in the First Congo War for its support for UNITA rebels in the Angolan Civil War. The Angolan government wants to wipe out UNITA operations in southern Congo, which exchanged diamonds taken from rebel-held Angola for foreign weapons. Angola is not convinced that a new president will be more effective than Kabila and worried that the continuing battle will lead to a power vacuum that can only help UNITA. Interventions of experienced Angolan forces were crucial in determining the outcome of both wars.

Chad

Kabila initially ignored the possible support of African Francophone but after a summit in Libreville, Gabon, on September 24, Chad agreed to send 2,000 troops. France has encouraged Chad to join as a means to regain influence in the region where France has retreated after the 1994 genocide committed against the Tutsi in Rwanda. Nevertheless, Chad's intervention resulted in failure. His forces are accused of serious human rights abuses and looted almost since their arrival in the country. They retreated very quickly under international and national pressure and shame.

Sudan

Unconfirmed reports in September showed that Sudanese government forces were battling the rebels in Orientale Province, near the border of Sudan and Uganda. However, Sudan does not establish a significant military presence within the DRC, although it continues to offer widespread support to the three Ugandan rebel groups - the Lord's Rescue Army, the Uganda National Salvation Front II and the Allied Democratic Forces - in retaliation for Uganda. support for the Sudan People's Liberation Army.

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1999-2000

On April 5, 1999, the tension in the RCD about Banyamulenge's dominance reached a boiling point when RCD leader Ernest Wamba he Wamba moved his base from Goma to Kisangani which controlled Uganda to lead a splinter faction named Troops for Renewal. A further break came as President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda and Kabila signed a ceasefire agreement on April 18 in Sirte, Libya, after the mediation of Libyan President Muammar al-Gaddafi, but both RCD and Rwandan refused to take part.

On May 16 Wamba was overthrown as the head of the RCD supported pro-Rwandan leaders. Seven days later various RCD factions clashed over Kisangani control. On June 8 rebel groups meet to try to create a common front against Kabila. Despite this effort, the creation by Uganda from the new province of Ituri triggered the conflict of ethnic Ituri conflict, sometimes referred to as "war in war".

Nevertheless, diplomatic circumstances contributed to the first ceasefire of war. In July 1999, the Lusaka Armistice Agreement was signed by six warring states (Democratic Republic of Congo, Angola, Namibia, Zimbabwe, Rwanda and Uganda) and, on August 1, MLC (RCD refused to sign). Under the terms of the agreement, troops of all sides, under the Combined Military Commission, will cooperate in tracking, disarming and documenting all armed groups in the Congo, especially troops identified with the 1994 Rwandan genocide.

However, some provisions were made to completely disarm the militia. The UN Security Council mobilized about 90 liaison personnel in August 1999 to support the ceasefire. However, in subsequent months all parties accused others of repeatedly violating the truce, and it became clear that small incidents could trigger an attack.

Tensions between Uganda and Rwanda reached a peak in early August when Ugandan People's Defense Force units and the Rwandan Patriotic Army clashed in Kisangani. In November state-controlled television in Kinshasa claimed that Kabila's forces had been rebuilt and are now prepared to fulfill its "mission to liberate" the country. The Rwandan-backed rebel army launched a major offensive and approached Kinshasa but was eventually denied.

On February 24, 2000, the United Nations authorized 5,537 troops, the Mission of the United Nations Organization in the Democratic Republic of Congo (known by French abbreviation, MONUC), to monitor the ceasefire. However, fighting continues between rebels and government troops and between Rwandan and Ugandan troops. Many clashes and attacks occurred across the country, especially fierce fighting between Uganda and Rwanda in Kisangani in May and June 2000.

On August 9, 2000 the government offensive in Equateur Province was stopped along the Ubangi River near Libenge by MLC forces. Military operations and diplomatic efforts by the UN, African Union and the South African Development Community failed to make progress.

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2001

Murder Laurent-DÃÆ'Â © sirÃÆ'Â © Kabila

On January 16, 2001, Laurent-Dà © à © sirà © Å Kabila was shot and killed by bodyguard, Rashidi Muzelein at the presidential palace in Kinshasa. The government initially stated that Kabila was injured but still alive when he was flown to Zimbabwe for intensive care. Two days later the government announced on state television that the desperate efforts by Zimbabwean medical personnel to rescue Kabila had failed and Kabila had died of his wounds. His body was returned to state cemetery on January 26, 2001.

Background for killing

It was not known who ordered the murder. According to a former Rwanda intelligence chief and the allegations made by DRCongo officials, the killings were carried out by guards and were obstructed by Rwanda. A Lebanese diamond trader allegedly organized the logistics of murder, according to a documentary film "Murder in Kinshasa", created by Marlene Rabaud and Arnaud Zajtman Joseph

Unanimously from Congolese parliament, his son, Joseph Kabila, was sworn in as president to replace him. That he won the election largely because of Robert Mugabe's support, and the fact that most MPs have been elected by the older Kabila himself. In February, the new president met Rwanda's President, Paul Kagame in the United States. Rwanda, Uganda, and the rebels agree with the UN's withdrawal plan. Uganda and Rwanda began to pull troops back from the front lines.

Joseph Kabila has been described as "a more proficient political leader than his father". As noted by Chris Talbot, an article in the Washington Post is in stark contrast to Joseph Kabila - Western-educated and English-speaking with his father. " Author of the Washington Post article writes that Joseph Kabila gave diplomat "hope that things have changed", in contrast to Laurent-Dà © à © sirà © à © Kabila, who "stands as a major barrier to the peaceful settlement of war launched in August 1998 to replace it. "Laurent's peace agreement was signed in the summer of 1999, the Lusaka Armistice Agreement," remains unfulfilled primarily because it continues to carry out new attacks while blocking the deployment of United Nations peacekeeping forces in government-controlled territories. " To compare, according to an analyst from the London-based Economist Intelligence Unit, "The only obstacle is Kabila because the [Lusaka] agreement calls for a democratic transition of the government and it poses a threat to his power."

UN investigates illegal exploitation of minerals

In April 2001, a panel of UN experts investigated the illegal exploitation of diamonds, cobalt, coltans, gold and other profitable resources in the Congo. The report accuses Rwanda, Uganda and Zimbabwe of systematically exploiting Congolese resources and recommends the Security Council impose sanctions.

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2002

In 2002, Rwanda's situation in the war began to deteriorate. Many RCD members stopped fighting or decided to join the Kabila government. In addition, Banyamulenge, the backbone of the Rwandan militia forces, became increasingly exhausted with control of Kigali and the ongoing conflict. A number of them rebelled, leading to a clash between them and the power of Rwanda.

At the same time the western Congo is becoming increasingly secure under the younger Kabila. International aid continues as inflation is controlled.

Peace agreement (April to December 2002)

Under the leadership of South Africa, the peace talks held in the country between April and December 2002 led to the signing of a "comprehensive peace agreement." The Sun City Agreement was formalized on April 19, 2002. This is a framework for providing Congo with a unified and democratic multipartite government. However, critics noted that there is no provision for the unification of the army, which weakens the effectiveness of the agreement. There have been several violations reported from the Sun City agreement, but have seen a decrease in combat.

On July 30, 2002, Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo signed a peace agreement known as the Pretoria Agreement after five days of talks in Pretoria, South Africa. The talk centered on two issues. One of them is the withdrawal of approximately 20,000 Rwandan troops in Congo. The other is the rounding of former Rwandan soldiers and the dismantling of the Hutu militia known as Interahamwe, who took part in the 1994 Rwandan genocide and continues to operate in eastern Congo. Rwanda had previously refused to resign until Hutu militias were handled.

Signed on September 6, the Luanda Treaty formalizes peace between Congo and Uganda. The agreement aims to allow Uganda to withdraw its troops from Bunia and improve relations between the two countries, but its implementation proves to be difficult. Eleven days later the first Rwandan army was withdrawn from eastern DRC. On 5 October Rwanda announced the completion of the withdrawal; MONUC confirmed the departure of more than 20,000 Rwandan troops.

On 21 October, the United Nations published an Expert Panel Report on the looting of natural resources by armed groups. Both Rwanda and Uganda reject allegations that senior political and military figures are involved in the illegal trafficking of looted resources. Defense Minister Zimbabwe Sydney Sekeramayi said the Zimbabwean military withdrew from DRC in October 2002, but in June 2006 reporters said a 50-person force remained in DRC to protect Kabila.

On December 17, 2002, the Congolese party of the Inter-Congolese Dialogue (national government, MLC, RCD, RCD-ML, RCD-N, domestic political opposition, civil society representatives and Mai Mai) signed the Global and All-Inclusive Agreement. The agreement describes the transitional government plan that would result in legislative and presidential elections within two years after its signing and marking the official end of the Second Congo War.

Massacre Pygmy (Late 2002 to early 2003)

By the end of 2002 to January 2003 some 60,000 Pygmy civilians and 10,000 fighters were killed in an extermination campaign known as "Effacer le tableau" by the Congolese Liberation Movement. Human rights activists have demanded the massacre to be recognized as genocide.

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2003 and later: Transitional Administration

On July 18, 2003, the Transitional Administration was established as defined in the Global and All-Inclusive Agreements of the conflicting parties. This Agreement obliges the parties to implement plans to re-unite the state, disarm and integrate the conflicting parties and hold elections. There are many problems, resulting in sustained instability in most countries and delays in national elections scheduled from June 2005 to July 2006.

The main cause of the continuation of the Transitional Government is the rejection by conflicting parties to surrender power to a centralized and neutral national administration. Some warring parties maintain separate administrative and military command-and-control structures from the Transitional Administration, but as reported by the International Crisis Group, this has been gradually diminishing. The high level of official corruption draws in money from civil servants, soldiers and infrastructure projects leading to further instability.

On 30 July 2006 the first election was held in DRC after the people approved the new constitution. The second round was held on 30 October.

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Aftermath and legacy

Areas of ongoing conflict

The fragility of the state has enabled the continuing violence and human rights violations in the east. There are three significant centers of conflict:

• North and South Kivu, where the weak FDLR continues to threaten the borders of Rwanda and Banyamulenge, where Rwanda supports RCD-Goma rebels against Kinshasa (see Kivu conflict), and where local conflict continues to fuel violence, li>
• Ituri, in which MONUC/MONUSCO proved unable to contain many militia and groups controlling the Ituri conflict;
• Northern Katanga, where Mai-Mai Militi slipped out of Kinshasa's control (see Katanga rebellion).

Ethnic violence between Hutu and Tutsi troops has been a major driver of many conflicts, with people on both sides frightened of their destruction. The Kinshasa and Hutu troops enjoyed close ties as their interest in expelling troops and proxies from Uganda and Rwanda.

While Ugandan and Rwandan-aligned forces are working together to gain territory at the expense of Kinshasa, competition over access to resources creates a gap in their relationships. There are reports that Uganda allows Kinshasa to send arms to FDLR Hutu through areas controlled by Ugandan-backed rebels because Uganda, Kinshasa and Hutu all seek, at various levels, to examine the influence of Rwanda and its affiliates.

Rwandan and Ugandan support for rebels

Rwanda supports the rebels because of fears of Hutu rebels on its border. The Kinshasa government is suspicious of Kigali's influence over the region, as Rwanda has occupied the area several times and several witnesses confirm that Rwanda has benefited from the looting of Congolese minerals. As a result, Rwanda supports a continuing uprising against General Nkunda in Congo. The DRC wants assurances that the harmonized Kigali troops have no mineral or territorial interests in the eastern conflict of Congo.

On December 19, 2005, the International Court of the United Nations ruled that DRC sovereignty had been violated by Uganda, and DRC had lost billions of dollars in resources. The DRC government has asked for $ 10 billion in compensation. Although the ICJ has taken many steps to ensure that war crimes and crimes against humanity will be prosecuted, the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank reward Uganda and Rwanda with debt relief packages to improve their economic health during a time when many of them are increasing incomes are some of the direct result of illegally import minerals from DRC. In this case, international institutions such as the IMF and the World Bank are allegedly in conflict with international law and charter. Both the IMF and the World Bank have been accused of helping to facilitate the conflict in DRC by rewarding combatants.

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Dispute of the dead

Simon Fraser University's Human Security Report (HSRP) project has challenged 5.4 million death-related casualties between 1998 and 2008. It states that of the five IRC's periodic estimates, the two comprising the period 1998-2001 are defective, and 2 , 6 million deaths reported in should not be included in the total death toll. The other three periodic IRC estimates consist of periods from May 2001-April 2007, and in which 2.83 million out of a total of 5.4 million deaths were reported. HSRP believes that estimates are built on a general level of death that is too low for Congo, and that most of those people are likely to die anyway. Thus, IRC numbers should be revised to 860,000 total deaths due to the war.

In response to criticism from HSRP, one of the IRC report's authors argues the following: Although there may be small statistical differences in the original study, IRC reports have been widely reviewed and assessed as accurate estimates. of deaths due to war related.

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See also

• The Dongo conflict, the 2009 conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo
• List of wars by death number
• Life in Emergency: The Doctor's Story Without Borders - a documentary film about MÃÆ'Â © decins Sans FrontiÃÆ'¨res in DR Congo
• Children's troops in the Democratic Republic of the Congo

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References

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Further reading

• Baregu, Mwesiga. "Mr. Kurtz's clone: ​​Violence, War, and Looting in the DRC." (Archive) African Journal of Political Science . African Political Science Association. (2002), Vol 7 No. 2. p.Ã, 11-38. 1027-0353.
• Berkeley, Bill. (2001) Tombs Not Full: Race, Ethnicity and Power in the Heart of Africa . Basic Book. ISBNÃ, 0-465-00642-6. A narrative approach that illustrates how political figures manipulate large groups into violence. It does not focus on the current Congolese conflict, but is useful in understanding the "ethnic conflict" generally in Africa.
• Clark, John F. (2002) African Stake in the Congo War . New York: Palgrave McMillan. ISBN: 1-4039-6723-7. Using a political science approach to understand motivation and power struggles, but not an account of specific incidents and individuals.
• Edgerton, Robert G. (2002) The Troubled African Heart: Congo's History . St. Martin's Press. ISBNÃ, 0-312-30486-2. There has been little information about the problem since 1996 in the last section.
• Gondola, Ch. Didier. (2002) Congolese History , Greenwood Press, ISBN 0-313-31696-1. Covering the event until January 2002.
• Miller, Eric. Incapacity of Peacekeeping to Handle Security Dilemmas . 2010. ISBN 978-3-8383-4027-2. Includes First and Second Congo Wars and the rest.
• Gerard Prunier, From Genocide to the Continental War: Conflict "Congo" and the Contemporary African Crisis , C. Hurst & amp; Co., 2009, ISBN 978-1-85065-523-7. Includes First and Second Congo Wars.
• Renton, David; Seddon, David; Zeilig, Leo (2007). Congo: Deprivation & amp; Resistance . New York: Book of Zed. ISBN: 978-1-84277-485-4.
• Stearns, Jason (2011). Dancing in Monster Glory: The Collapse of Congo and the Great War of Africa. New York: PublicAffairs. ISBN: 978-1-58648-929-8.
• Turner, Thomas. (2007) Congolese War: Conflict, Myths, and Reality . New York: Book of Zed. ISBN: 978-1-84277-689-6.

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External links

• BBC Q & amp; A about DR Congo conflict - BBC: Current timetable from Congo's history, with emphasis on war
• IDP Global Database: Review of conflicting parties
The
• Globalsecurity.org site of the Congolese Civil War

Source of the article : Wikipedia